LINDY RUNCIE, wife of a former Archbishop, and a faithful
Anglican till she died in 2012, once told an interviewer: "Too much
religion makes me go pop." The remarkable thing about the 2015
General Election campaign is the amount of politics it has
contained (although sadly not that much religion). Interest in the
minor parties has led to an exponential growth in policies to be
discussed. There are all their policies, of course, but then these
have triggered the counter-policies put forward by the mainstream
parties. And then there have been the endless discussions about
which coalitions might be formed, all of which have to be denied -
except by the Liberal Democrats, themselves a hybrid.
No popping sounds have yet been heard from the electorate, and
it is interesting to speculate how politics in this country might
change if even a quarter of this level of engagement were retained
out of the pre-election season. But the bewildering number of
policies being advanced - many of them seemingly unattached from
any ideology, or budgetary considerations, or, in some instances,
common sense - have served to muddy the water between the parties.
The water is, in any case, much murkier now than at any time in the
recent past. As a consequence, the danger is that voters will fall
back on old loyalties, or focus on only one or two electoral
promises, or be swayed by the blatant electioneering of most of the
national dailies. It might be that the party managers are not too
unhappy about this, and each General Election brings the UK nearer
to the US presidential model of campaigning. Party spokespeople
regularly say that "David Cameron has done" this, or that "Ed
Miliband will do" that, ignoring the party faithful who devise
policy, the hardworking parliamentarians who refine it, and the
civil servants who put it into practice. The politics of
personality is far easier to promote than the politics of policy,
since the latter has to be explained, and, as its merits are
perceived, runs the risk of attracting support from people of other
parties. Far easier to set your man against the other, sleeves
rolled up in combative stance.
In this context, coalition politics should be welcomed. For one
thing, the need to form a coalition would carry the political
debate beyond election day, when traditionally so many promises
soak into the sand. For another, there is just a chance that some
of the better policy ideas of the minority parties, ignorable by a
government with a large majority, might remain on the table during
a season of horse-trading. Politics is a game of accommodation and
compromise, trading ideology for pragmatism, and it does no harm
for the electorate to see this. The motives of the politicians
might not be utterly selfless; but, none the less, agreements would
have to be forged, and common ground sought - potentially the best
thing that could happen.