ONE hundred and seventy-five years ago this month, many clergy
had their biggest ever congregations, when the Chartists came to
church.
The Chartist movement of the late 1830s and '40s arose from the
"People's Charter", promoted by a handful of MPs in 1838. Its
demands included universal (male) suffrage, pay for MPs, and annual
parliaments. This led to mass rallies - one of which was depicted
in the Channel 4 series The Mill this month as more of a
wild party - and the establishment of a national convention.
Chartism unified a host of disparate radical groups, but the
movement had its own strands, including Temperance Chartism and
Chartist Churches, with their own hymns, some of which have been
recorded recently by Garth Hewitt under the title Liberty is
Near (Features, 23 August and 4
October 2013).
The Established Church was generally unsympathetic: the votes of
the bishops had helped to defeat the Reform Bill in 1831, and fear
of violent revolution was acute. The Church was undergoing its own
reforms, as the Ecclesiastical Commissioners got to grips with
pluralities, absentee clergy, and bishops' stipends. Universal
suffrage was not on the agenda.
The Chartist Circular was blunt: "State clergymen are
paid to preach passive obedience as the means of salvation to the
poor." As for Dissenting ministers, they were "uncompromising
advocates of tyranny".
A contemporary political image was that of the upas tree, a
source of poison for weapons in Java. The tree gained a legendary
reputation for destroying all life for miles around. The
Northern Star, a Chartist journal, attacked the Tories for
their support for the Church: "They trumpet in our ears the glories
of a State Church . . . planted in our land like the Upas in the
desert . . . blasting and destroying all that comes within its
pestiferous influence."
THE idea of a "sacred month" (a general strike) was promoted for
August 1839, but came to nothing. Instead, Chartists attended their
parish churches in large numbers, asking for a sermon on a suitable
text.
In Ashton-under-Lyne, for example, they asked the Vicar, the
Revd Mr Handforth, to preach on James 5.1-6: "Ye rich men, weep and
howl for your miseries that shall come upon you." Instead, they got
the Curate, the Revd Mr Bowden, who took as his text Mark 11.17:
"My house shall be called of all nations the house of prayer, but
ye have made it a den of thieves."
One local paper reported, on the following Saturday, that "No
sooner had the rev. gentleman finished reading his text, than they
got up to a man and peaceably walked out of the church."
In Cheltenham, the Revd Francis Close argued that, whatever the
justice of the Chartist claims, "the misguided measures which you
have adopted in furtherance of these objects are unscriptural,
illegal, dangerous to the well-being of society, and, above all,
that they are calculated in the highest degree to defeat the
purposes you have in view!"
THE saddest recorded example of an ungracious response is that
of the Bishop of Norwich, the Rt Revd Edward Stanley. Taking as his
text the requested "A rich man shall hardly enter the Kingdom of
Heaven" (Matthew 19.23), he praised the benefits of technology, and
mill-owners' employing 1000 workers at £20 a year - he was on
£4000. He then declared: "It is the same God who maketh rich and
maketh poor."
He said that if the rich "have fed the hungry and clothed the
naked, and ministered to those who are sick and in prison - which,
be it remembered, the rich alone can do - then we know that Christ
shall say unto them, 'Come, ye blessed of my father, inherit the
kingdom prepared for you.'"
He also managed to apply his text to the poor, saying that, if
they lived for themselves alone, "without thinking of others", then
"you, no less than the rich . . . shall hardly enter into the
Kingdom of heaven."
Memories lingered, and when Bishop Stanley consecrated a church
in a working-class area of Norwich a couple of years later, he was
met with a demonstration, and a shower of stones and
half-bricks.
THINGS were changing, however. The Revd Walter Hook, as Vicar of
Leeds, may have been the first to be known as a "working-man's
vicar". In 1842, seven Chartists stood as churchwardens on a slate,
and were elected.
He later recalled: "I said that though of course I should have
been better pleased had Churchmen been elected, yet I should trust
those who were appointed to act with fairness, and give me their
candid support and I should do the same by them."
It was not quite a bias to the poor, but Robert Lowery, a miner
and a missionary for Temperance Chartism, who in 1837 condemned the
clergy as "time-serving tools and obsequious slaves", by 1856 was
saying that "a new race of earnest men devoted to the duties of
their office have sprung up."
CHARTISM collapsed in the 1850s, partly as economic wealth
increased. But, today, the rich still grow richer; and disparity of
wealth - nationally and globally - is surely more scandalous now
than then.
Other than annual parliaments, the demands of the Charter were
all met by 1918. Perhaps annual parliaments might still be an idea,
given the freedom that a fixed-term Parliament has given the
Government to attack the poor. Rather than envy of the rich, the
"politics of envy" now seems to mean that we are to envy the poor
and their undeserved benefits.
Part of the background to Chartism was the denial of relief to
the poor unless they entered the workhouse, which was intended as a
deterrent to claiming relief to reduce costs. The "bedroom tax" may
be its modern equivalent, but there is no uprising, perhaps because
the poor are now "the few" not "the many".
Universal suffrage is now an accepted right, but, when most
people are reasonably well off, it will not bring justice for the
poor, especially when policies are designed to keep them on the
move, and not voting.