POLITICS is a wordy business; so it is shocking when, on
occasions, it is depicted graphically. President Obama's victory,
more assured than had been feared, took place in a nation where the
political divide is geographical. Political maps of the United
States this week have shown the faultlines. The red swath across
the middle of the continent - from Georgia to Idaho - is comprised
of states that always vote Republican; the smaller but more
populous blue fringes on the east and west coasts, notably
California and New York, always vote Democrat. This is regardless
of personalities or policies, finance or foreign wars, statecraft
or social programmes. In the red states, it could well be true that
many voters believed Barack Obama to be a closet Muslim intent on
giving away America's birthright to foreign powers. In the blue
states, Mitt Romney was often dismissed as merely a careless
plutocrat with an interesting line in underwear. It mattered not a
jot. All the attention, the majority of the $2 billion expenditure,
the contenders' flying visits, the mobilisation of party workers,
even the bending of policy, such as the shoring up of the motor
industry, have been focused on the eight or nine swing states.
The spotlight on the presidential contest has distracted
attention from the votes that will have a much greater effect on
the next four years, those for a third of the seats in the Senate
and for the whole of the House of Representatives. Democrat gains
within the Senate were cancelled out by the Republican retention of
a majority in the House, suggesting that the bitter, obstructive
politicking that dominated President Obama's first term of office
is set to continue. A straw in the wind, were one needed, was the
ousting earlier this year of Senator Richard Lugar in Indiana,
deemed by Tea Party activists within the Republican Party to have
been too conciliatory to Democrats.
A strong opposition is generally healthy for a democracy, but
not when parties become so polarised that representatives punish
any sign of agreement with their opposite numbers, even when common
ground is obvious to outsiders. In his victory speech, President
Obama put a positive spin on this: "These arguments we have are a
mark of our freedom." The passionate disagreements would continue,
but he spoke of the "painstaking work of building consensus and
making the difficult compromises needed to move this country
forward". He concluded: "We are not as divided as our politics
suggest; we are not as cynical as pundits believe. . . We remain
more than a collection of red states and blue states. We are, and
forever will be, the United States of America."
We naturally share his hope that a way can be found to forge the
consensus he described; so that the qualities that he listed in the
speech - generosity, compassion, tolerance - characterise the US
approach to its own people and to the rest of the world. It will
soon become clear whether he is succeeding.